Cultural traits significantly influence the success of ethnic groups in America, as explored in Amy Chua and Jed Rubenfeld's analysis. The authors identify three key traits—group superiority, individual insecurity, and impulse control—that contribute to the rise and fall of cultural groups. By examining various communities, including Chinese, Jewish, and Nigerian Americans, the work highlights how these traits affect economic outcomes and social mobility. This analysis is particularly relevant for scholars and students interested in sociology, cultural studies, and the dynamics of immigrant success. The text critiques contemporary societal beliefs about equality and self-esteem, arguing that these notions undermine cultural aspirations.

Key Points

  • Explores how cultural traits influence economic success in America.
  • Identifies group superiority, insecurity, and impulse control as key traits.
  • Analyzes the success of various ethnic groups like Chinese and Jewish Americans.
  • Critiques contemporary views on equality and self-esteem in relation to cultural success.
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Tiger Parenting and American Inequality: An Essay on Chua and Rubenfeld’s
The Triple Package: How Three Unlikely Traits Explain the Rise and Fall of
Cultural Groups in America*
Shelly Lundberg
University of California, Santa Barbara
September 9, 2015
Abstract: The role of culture in the creation and persistence of racial and ethnic inequalities has been the
focus of considerable controversy in the social sciences. In
The Triple Package: How Three Unlikely
Traits Explain the Rise and Fall of Cultural Groups in America
, a new book intended for a popular
audience, “tiger mom” Amy Chua and Jed Rubenfeld argue that relatively successful ethnic, religious, and
national origin groups in the United States possess a common set of culturally-determined traits that drive
this success: a sense of group superiority, individual insecurity, and good impulse control. The book is an
unscholarly romp through fields of ethnic stereotypes and immigrant anxiety that relies on anecdote rather
than data and that ignores the selectivity of immigrant flows. In their insistence on the need for the whole
triple package, however, the authors raise issues relevant to current research on non-cognitive skills—that
there are important trait-environment interactions in the determinants of economic success and that the
source and impact of aspirations deserves greater attention.
* I would like to thank Dick Startz, Jenna Stearns, and the participants in the UCSB Education Working
Group for helpful comments, and also thank Jenna Stearns for valuable assistance.
1
Tiger Parenting and American Inequality: An Essay on Chua and Rubenfeld’s
The
Triple Package: How
Three Unlikely Traits Explain the Rise and Fall of Cultural Groups in America
1. Introduction
The idea that culture is a driver of racial and ethnic stratification in the United States has been a
recurring source of controversy in the social sciences. The “culture of poverty” approaches of Lewis (1966)
and Moynihan (1965) postulated that the burdens of poverty led to a set of attitudes and aspirations that,
passed on to children, impeded their escape from poverty. Critics charged that this approach essentially
blames the victims for their oppression, and called for poverty scholars to focus instead on the structural
constraints facing the poor. A typical entry in the scholarly to-and-fro is
Race and Culture: A World View
, a
1994 book by the conservative economist and social theorist Thomas Sowell, which argues that ethnic
differences in income and wealth can be understood as a consequence of persistent group disparities in
cultural capital—defined in a later book as “work habits, perseverance, social cohesion, and law-abiding
patterns of life” that are passed down from parents to children.
1
This view is echoed by the most recent
contribution to the conversation on culture and success:
The
Triple Package: How Three
Unlikely Traits
Explain the Rise and Fall of Cultural Groups in America
, a book by Amy Chua (of Tiger Mother fame
2
)
and her husband Jed Rubenfeld.
The authors, both law professors at Yale, assert that successful ethnic, religious, and national origin
groups in United States possess a common set of culturally-determined traits that spur unusual drive and
persistence in the pursuit of money and status. These traits are 1) a sense of group superiority, 2) individual
insecurity, and 3) good impulse control, and they are imparted to the next generation through community
cultural narratives and norms of strict and demanding parenting. The authors claim that children raised in
“Triple Package” cultures achieve superior outcomes in income, job prestige, and other measures of status
and success in adulthood, relative to non-Triple Package children. The American Triple Package groups
highlighted in the book range from the predictable (Chinese and Jewish) to the surprising (Mormon and
Nigerian). Whites in Appalachia are the focal non-Triple Package community, but African- and Mexican-
Americans are included among those the authors consider culturally disadvantaged by lack of a superiority
narrative and poor impulse control. The book culminates in a broad critique of contemporary America.
Once the “quintessential” Triple Package country, the United States is now in decline due to a widespread
surrender to decadent ideas such as “everyone is equal” and “children need self-esteem.”
The Triple Package
is a deeply flawed book that aims at populist storytelling rather than serious
scholarship. The BuzzFeed-style title signals its agenda—book sales. Is it worthy of any attention at all from
economists? The question it claims to answer—which traits contribute to success?—is of considerable
interest and, though the evidentiary base of
The Triple Package
is very thin, it stakes out some interesting
territory by daring to be specific about the commonalities of successful groups. The authors offer this
appealing criticism of pundits (such as Sowell) who claim that successful groups are simply “hardworking
cultures” or “education cultures”:
“… education—like hard work—is not an
independent
, but a
dependent
variable. It’s not the
explanatory factor; it’s a behavior to be explained. Successful groups in America emphasize
education for their children because it’s the surest ladder to success. The challenge is to delve
1
Migrations and Cultures
, p. 138.
2
Chua’s best-selling memoir
Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother
was published in 2011.
2
deeper and discover the cultural roots of this behavior—to identify the fundamental cultural forces
that underlie it.” (p. 26, emphasis in the original)
For better or worse, the authors attempt to do just this, focusing on a set of beliefs that are culturally-
transmitted (group superiority and individual insecurity) and a particular skill fostered by normative
parenting practices (impulse control) as their candidates for the cultural roots of hard work, educational
striving, thrift, and family cohesion that are characteristic of successful ethnic groups.
Related questions are very much in play in current economic research. Recent empirical evidence
suggests that non-cognitive skills, including impulse control and related traits such as grit and
conscientiousness, are important determinants of educational attainment, earnings, and the avoidance of
criminal behavior. The new cultural economics explores how the intergenerational transmission of attitudes
and beliefs contributes to persistent differences in behavior across social groups.
The
Triple Package
provides mainly anecdotal evidence that the traits it identifies are, in fact, implicated in the economic
stratification of ethnic and racial groups. As economists we can go further and ask—is there anything to their
story, given what we have learned in recent years about cultural transmission and broader notions of human
capital?
In the end, Chua and Rubenfeld’s thesis that the economic success of their Triple Package groups
rests on a common set of cultural traits is fatally-flawed by their confusion about the roles of ethnicity versus
socioeconomic status in explaining the upward mobility of social groups that have undergone strong positive
selection in the immigration process. Neither the Triple Package itself nor the notion that a small set of
learned traits explain differences in economic status are well-supported empirically. There is some merit,
however, in their insistence that combinations of traits, rather than individual traits in isolation, are
important, and they resurrect an idea that is not in the forefront of the current economics of poverty—that
knowledge and beliefs about what is possible may be important constraints on actions and achievements,
and may be culturally transmitted.
2. The Triple Package and Material Success
In the chapter “Who’s Successful in America,” Chua and Rubenfeld identify eight “cultural” groups
as notably successful: Mormons, Cubans (specifically, the post-Castro “Cuban Exiles”), Nigerians, Indians,
Chinese, Jews, Iranians, and Lebanese. Their markers of success include relatively high median household
income in the 2010 Census,
3
a substantial proportion of households earning more than $100,000, and a
variety of specific metrics: the prominence of Mormon CEOs, Nigerian success at Harvard Business
School and on Wall Street, Cuban domination of Miami politics, Chinese over-representation at the
Juilliard School of Music, Indian trophies in spelling bees and science competitions, and the
disproportionate success of American Jews by any economic measure except perhaps “fortunes amassed
through golf.” Some fudging occurs when the numbers fail to cooperate. Mormon household income is
not that high but “Mormon women are encouraged to be full-time mothers” and the Cuban Exiles need to
be distinguished from the later-arriving, and less successful, Marielitos.
3
Or other surveys for groups not identified in the Census, such as Mormons and Jews.
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End of Document
49

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FAQs

What are the three traits identified by Chua and Rubenfeld?
Amy Chua and Jed Rubenfeld identify three traits that contribute to the success of certain cultural groups in America: a sense of group superiority, individual insecurity, and good impulse control. Group superiority fosters confidence and ambition, while insecurity drives individuals to strive for success to overcome perceived disadvantages. Impulse control is crucial for delaying gratification and achieving long-term goals. Together, these traits create a powerful framework for understanding how cultural narratives shape economic outcomes.
How do the authors critique contemporary American values?
Chua and Rubenfeld argue that contemporary American values, which emphasize equality and self-esteem, can undermine the aspirations of cultural groups. They suggest that the belief that 'everyone is equal' diminishes the motivation for hard work and achievement that is often rooted in cultural narratives of superiority and insecurity. This critique highlights the tension between individual aspirations and societal norms, suggesting that a return to valuing cultural narratives may be necessary for fostering success.
Which cultural groups are analyzed in the book?
The book analyzes several cultural groups in America, including Chinese, Jewish, Nigerian, Indian, and Cuban Americans. Each group is examined for its unique traits and how these contribute to their economic success. For instance, the authors discuss how the Chinese and Jewish communities possess a strong sense of group superiority and a history of overcoming adversity, which fuels their drive for success. This comparative analysis provides insights into the diverse factors that influence cultural success in America.
What role does impulse control play in cultural success?
Impulse control is highlighted as a critical trait for achieving long-term success in Chua and Rubenfeld's analysis. It allows individuals to defer immediate gratification in favor of greater future rewards, which is essential for academic and professional achievement. The authors argue that cultural narratives and parenting styles within successful groups often emphasize the importance of discipline and self-control, enabling children to develop these traits. This focus on impulse control is linked to better educational outcomes and economic mobility.
How does the book address the immigrant experience?
Chua and Rubenfeld's work provides a nuanced perspective on the immigrant experience in America, emphasizing how cultural traits are often shaped by the challenges faced during migration. The authors discuss how first-generation immigrants bring a sense of urgency and ambition, driven by the desire to improve their circumstances. This urgency, coupled with traits like insecurity and impulse control, creates a strong foundation for the success of their children in a new environment. The immigrant narrative is thus central to understanding the dynamics of cultural success.

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